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The article is devoted to one of the aspects of the complex ethnic identity of Russian Germans, namely, its negative inversion. Events of the second half of the 20th century. in the ethnic history of the German community (deportation, labor army, special settlement) became factors in the formation of negative identity. It was expressed in public contempt, insults and humiliation towards the Russian Germans. In this regard, the Germans renounced their ethnicity, changed their personal names and surnames, and rewrote their nationality. The Germans turned out to be the only people who were not fully rehabilitated among those who were subject to repression and deportation, since the territorial autonomy, lost in 1941, was not restored. The negative identity of Russian Germans is a situational phenomenon that is associated with the influence on it, firstly, of historical events, secondly, the political actions of the authorities, and thirdly, public mood and opinion. The article is based on materials from field ethnographic expeditions, archival data and sources of personal origin.

This article provides a systematic analysis of research devoted to the study of various aspects of social identity in order to determine the theoretical framework for studying the phenomenon of negative identity within the framework of sociology. The following theories are considered: social identity, realistic conflict of identity uncer-tainty. The theory of social identity constitutes a conceptual model elucidating how individuals define their iden-tities through affiliation with social groups, emphasizing the significance of social categories and stereotypes in identity formation. The theory of realistic conflict offers an approach to analyzing conflicts based on the prem-ise that they arise from struggles for material, "realistic" values and resources, even when groups are nominally divided. The theory of identity uncertainty, in turn, focuses on situations wherein individuals encounter difficul-ties in defining their identities, encompassing the concept of "entitativeness" within its scope. In synthesizing these theoretical perspectives, this article offers a comprehensive framework for understanding the multifacet-ed nature of negative identity within sociological discourse. By elucidating the underlying mechanisms and contextual factors shaping negative identity formation, scholars can advance theoretical and empirical inquiries into this complex phenomenon.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. "Jazz, the Wound" -- 2. America; or, the Stranger -- 3. Negative Identities of the Subject in Wartime America -- 4. Critical Theory Goes to War -- 5. Negative Modeling -- 6. Subject/Object and Disciplinarity -- Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- Notes -- Index

Backlash movements often engage in extraordinary acts of deviance and taboo-breaking. Yet violating mainstream norms is costly, as it provokes public condemnation and stigma. Why do backlash movements transgress mainstream norms? In this essay, I argue that deviance and stigma are central elements of backlash politics and serve important functions for backlash movements. Building off insights from Sociology, I show how 'secondary deviance' is commonly embraced in groups that experience status deprivation. I apply these insights to backlash movements in order to illuminate why transgression is so often a part of their repertoire. Violating dominant norms – and provoking mainstream stigma and rebuke – advances the goals of backlash movements by allowing them to cultivate a distinct group identity, instil collective sentiments of status deprivation, and validate the movement's political claims in popular discourse. In brief, backlash movements engage in certain behaviours not in spite of their deviant status, but because of this status.

AbstractThe specific case of Eastern Germany is illustrative of a more general framework for how identity formation, family processes, and humiliation, alienation, and deprivation are linked to local conditions or situational contexts.

We know that political parties play a crucial role in the electoral processes of established democracies. However, we know much less about how this role fades away. In this paper, we study the case of Chile, a country that, until a few years ago, was cited as an example of a stable and institutionalized party system. We study how the phenomenon of independent candidates has shaken the national party system. We use two separate strategies to study this phenomenon. First, we measure the marginal effect of the independent label, compared to other party labels, using a conjoint experiment. Our findings show that candidates who are presented as independents have a significant increase in their probability of being chosen. Second, we measure whether this electoral effect relates to party identification. We find that respondents show low animosity towards independent candidates and high animosity towards traditional parties. Furthermore, a majority of the studied population can be classified as negative partisans. These findings suggest that the recent emergence of independent candidates is a result of negative views on parties.

This essay addresses the emergence of theories of "identity" in twentieth-century politics, aesthetics, and philosophy by considering Theodor Adorno's understanding of "negative identity" as a form of coercive categorization that nevertheless contains social knowledge. A historical account of the Frankfurt school's relation to questions of race, anti-Semitism, and the idea of culture, the essay analyzes Adorno's infamous jazz articles in light of the transatlantic history of Marxian political theory and its understanding of racism, subject–object relations, and models of cultural production. The result is an investigation of the history of the concept of identity, its emergence alongside the rise of cultural studies, and its relation to international cultural–aesthetic formations such as jazz. The article concludes with an examination of Adorno's critique of idealism, cultural identity, and nationalism in light of the "wounded" political subjectivity of the modern era.

This current article, a result of a historichermeneutic research, aims to highlight how the indigenous people have been able to, along the path of the modern indigenous movement, take advantage of the political opportunities offered by the context, in order to boost their identity and in it, its mobilization. As in the recovery of their identity, the construction as a collective and political subjects, have gained stature and political muscle by collating their identity with that of other actors and with that of the state, to which they compete for values, rights, and respect, for their identity. They have shaped the social actor of major prominence, as well as the capacity of summon, and this is what places them in the vanguard of the social struggle. ; El presente articulo fruto de una investigación histórico hermeneútica, procura resaltar cómo los indígenas han logrado en toda la trayectoria del moderno movimiento indígena aprovechar las oportunidades políticas que les ofrece el contexto para potenciar su identidad y en ella su movilización. Como en la recuperación de su identidad , la construcción como colectivo y sujetos políticos han ganado estatura y músculo político al confrontar su identidad con la de otros actores y con la del estado a quien disputan valores, derechos y respeto por su identidad. Han configurado el actor social de mayor prominencia y capacidad de convocatoria y esto es en últimos lo que les coloca en la vanguardia de la lucha social.

This current article, a result of a historichermeneutic research, aims to highlight how the indigenous people have been able to, along the path of the modern indigenous movement, take advantage of the political opportunities offered by the context, in order to boost their identity and in it, its mobilization. As in the recovery of their identity, the construction as a collective and political subjects, have gained stature and political muscle by collating their identity with that of other actors and with that of the state, to which they compete for values, rights, and respect, for their identity. They have shaped the social actor of major prominence, as well as the capacity of summon, and this is what places them in the vanguard of the social struggle. ; El presente articulo fruto de una investigación histórico hermeneútica, procura resaltar cómo los indígenas han logrado en toda la trayectoria del moderno movimiento indígena aprovechar las oportunidades políticas que les ofrece el contexto para potenciar su identidad y en ella su movilización. Como en la recuperación de su identidad, la construcción como colectivo y sujetos políticos han ganado estatura y músculo político al confrontar su identidad con la de otros actores y con la del estado a quien disputan valores, derechos y respeto por su identidad. Han configurado el actor social de mayor prominencia y capacidad de convocatoria y esto es en últimos lo que les coloca en la vanguardia de la lucha social

This current article, a result of a historichermeneutic research, aims to highlight how the indigenous people have been able to, along the path of the modern indigenous movement, take advantage of the political opportunities offered by the context, in order to boost their identity and in it, its mobilization. As in the recovery of their identity, the construction as a collective and political subjects, have gained stature and political muscle by collating their identity with that of other actors and with that of the state, to which they compete for values, rights, and respect, for their identity. They have shaped the social actor of major prominence, as well as the capacity of summon, and this is what places them in the vanguard of the social struggle. ; El presente articulo fruto de una investigación histórico hermeneútica, procura resaltar cómo los indígenas han logrado en toda la trayectoria del moderno movimiento indígena aprovechar las oportunidades políticas que les ofrece el contexto para potenciar su identidad y en ella su movilización. Como en la recuperación de su identidad , la construcción como colectivo y sujetos políticos han ganado estatura y músculo político al confrontar su identidad con la de otros actores y con la del estado a quien disputan valores, derechos y respeto por su identidad. Han configurado el actor social de mayor prominencia y capacidad de convocatoria y esto es en últimos lo que les coloca en la vanguardia de la lucha social.